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Tuesday, February 12, 2013

Review of Blood Type

Goodreads | Eric_W Welch (Forreston, IL)'s review of Blood Type:


Tom Crandall is a certified hero.  A medic who risked his life to save wounded soldiers during a firefight and at great risk pulled people from underneath a collapsed building following an earthquake, he spends his days on ambulance runs helping the dregs of San Francisco.  His wife, Clarissa, is a singer, worried about her career as she approaches forty.

Tom and Marsh are periodic drinking buddies at Guido's.  Tom sidles up to Marsh one evening distraught because his wife, Clarissa, is being pulled away from him by Richard Sands, a local millionaire who made his money in legal, but borderline ethical, leverage buyouts. It would appear he now wants to buyout Clarissa.  Not much Marsh can do except to try and provide some emotional support. Then Tom is found dead in an abandoned bus terminal. Ruled accidental or suicide or a mugging, Marsh suspected something else but has no evidence to the contrary, so he does what he knows and does best:  he talks to people, and, as is typical in P.I. novels in the style of MacDonald, he uncovers familial corruption.

Along the way, Marsh muses on the state of the world.  In the midst of the first Iraq war and a changing Supreme Court, he marvels at  "*this* brave new world, everyone's on his own and the Constitution is less a bill of rights than a bill of lading and the Court is as oblivious to misery as God.  Except that God can be oblivious and still be God, but humans can't and still be human."

I really like Greenleaf, but I'm downgrading this one a bit because I thought the end seemed a bit rushed and perhaps deliberately ambiguous. At times, his background explanations can also seem pedantic. Nevertheless, a great way to spend some time.



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Review of Blood Type

Goodreads | Eric_W Welch (Forreston, IL)'s review of Blood Type:


Tom Crandall is a certified hero.  A medic who risked his life to save wounded soldiers during a firefight and at great risk pulled people from underneath a collapsed building following an earthquake, he spends his days on ambulance runs helping the dregs of San Francisco.  His wife, Clarissa, is a singer, worried about her career as she approaches forty.

Tom and Marsh are periodic drinking buddies at Guido's.  Tom sidles up to Marsh one evening distraught because his wife, Clarissa, is being pulled away from him by Richard Sands, a local millionaire who made his money in legal, but borderline ethical, leverage buyouts. It would appear he now wants to buyout Clarissa.  Not much Marsh can do except to try and provide some emotional support. Then Tom is found dead in an abandoned bus terminal. Ruled accidental or suicide or a mugging, Marsh suspected something else but has no evidence to the contrary, so he does what he knows and does best:  he talks to people, and, as is typical in P.I. novels in the style of MacDonald, he uncovers familial corruption.

Along the way, Marsh muses on the state of the world.  In the midst of the first Iraq war and a changing Supreme Court, he marvels at  "*this* brave new world, everyone's on his own and the Constitution is less a bill of rights than a bill of lading and the Court is as oblivious to misery as God.  Except that God can be oblivious and still be God, but humans can't and still be human."

I really like Greenleaf, but I'm downgrading this one a bit because I thought the end seemed a bit rushed and perhaps deliberately ambiguous. At times, his background explanations can also seem pedantic. Nevertheless, a great way to spend some time.



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Sunday, February 10, 2013

‘After the Music Stopped,’ by Alan S. Blinder - NYTimes.com

‘After the Music Stopped,’ by Alan S. Blinder - NYTimes.com: "

Starting in the late 1990s and continuing through 2007, he writes, Americans had “built a fragile house of financial cards” that was just waiting to be toppled: “The intricate but precarious construction was based on asset-price bubbles, exaggerated by irresponsible leverage, encouraged by crazy compensation schemes and excessive complexity, and aided and abetted by embarrassingly bad underwriting standards, dismal performances by the statistical rating agencies and lax financial regulation.”

“He calls the former Federal Reserve chairman, Alan Greenspan, and the Clinton-era Treasury secretaries, Robert E. Rubin and Lawrence H. Summers, to account for their antiregulatory stances, which laid the groundwork for the market excesses and snowballing fiscal disasters that would explode in 2008.”

“He identifies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac — with their low-income and subprime mortgage portfolios — as being only “supporting actors” in the debacle. And he calls the collapse of Lehman Brothers on Sept. 15, 2008, the “watershed event of the entire financial crisis” and the government’s decision “to allow it to fail” as “the watershed decision.” “It is a measure of the Obama administration’s ineptitude in communication,” Mr. Blinder notes, “that the public came to see Geithner, Summers, & Company as tools of Wall Street while at the same time the bankers who were saved from oblivion came to hate the administration for vilifying and scapegoating them. Acquiring one of those two images was excusable, maybe even unavoidable. Acquiring both at the same time amounted to gross political negligence.”

“What of “the specter of trillion-dollar-plus budget deficits” and the partisan dysfunction in today’s Congress? Mr. Blinder says: “America’s budget mess is starting to look Kafkaesque because the outline of a solution is so clear: We need modest fiscal stimulus today coupled with massive deficit reduction for the future. Some of that will take the form of higher taxes — sorry, Republicans. Most of it will be lower spending — sorry, Democrats.”

Review of Taking Up Serpents: Snake Handlers of Eastern Kentucky

Goodreads | Eric_W Welch (Forreston, IL)'s review of Taking Up Serpents: Snake Handlers of Eastern Kentucky:


I have always been fascinated by the more bizarre (to us) religious practices.  What motivates people to do things outsiders would consider to be dangerous if not ridiculous? "This is my blood, this is my body," transubstantiation, drinking strychnine, burning oneself, I mean really.  I'm sure non-Catholics regard Catholic doctrinal beliefs as a bizarre form of cannibalism when viewed from a different cultural perspective, so it behooves us to consider other religious practices with a certain amount of equanimity.  I've always enjoyed learning about subcultures --"Swamp People" being a favorite show -- so naturally this book appealed to me especially having read The Serpent Handlers: Three Families and Their Faith. (http://www.goodreads.com/review/show/44940126)

David Kimbrough, having grown up in Appalachia, understood the regional dialects, often difficult for outsiders to understand, * and he had a real empathy for the members of the snake handling churches.  He participated in the services and astounded the members by handling snakes as part of the service himself.  (Not too bright, but who am I to judge?)

Memory is fragile, and he soon discovered that accounts would differ.  Teasing out the actual sequence of events often required many interviews.  Memory is also selective,  and he found it "puzzling that in a group which uses the Bible as its rule book and which tradition and belief are ingrained, allowing little room for change, there have been many changes in belief ritual, and life histories concerning the early church leaders.  For example, George W. Hensley was married four times.  But most church members see divorce and remarriage (being double-married) as sinful, so they blotted out recollections of Hensley's marital and extramarital activities."

The rise of snake handling coincided with  rapid changes in society and the shift from subsistence farming to capital requirements meant that preachers like Hensley, considered the major evangelizers of the belief, had fertile ground for  expanding  their congregations.  Emotionalism predominated and Holiness preachers often were given credit for having performed miracles.  Snake handling was another way of impressing  the faithful and giving the preachers credibility.

All religious groups require external antagonism to solidify and consolidate their members, encouraging them to separate from general society and several deaths from snake handling,  providing  legislative opportunities to ban the practice, helped to build their feeling of specialness and of being anointed.

He begins the book with a description of a typical church service.  One interesting feature was that children who become caught up in the emotion of the moment (there is no question that the combination of music and group  delirium creates a heightened emotional state that is quite contagious) and move toward the front of the church where the snake handling is always conducted are immediately stopped.   The church is gender segregated but men kiss on the lips as a greeting (they cite scripture to explain this, "Greet one another with an holy kiss, interpreted to mean same gender only since kissing the opposite sex is reserved for spouses,)  even while condemning homosexuality.

The practice is controversial even in the Pentecostal Church, but the snake handlers response is simply that those who are opposed are simply not  "full-gospel."  Interestingly, the snake-handling churches have doctrinal splits similar to mainstream Christian churches, especially with regard to the Trinity, the Trinitarians believing  in the separateness of God, Jesus and the Holy Spirit, the Oneness faction insisting on the integral nature of the three.  Just do a quick Google search on Trinity to see the vitriol present in the debates.   (See When Jesus Became God -http://www.goodreads.com/review/show/37674110– and some of Bart Ehrman's work for more detail in the historical genesis of the argument.)  also  The Closing of the Western Mind: The Rise of Faith & the Fall of Reason by Charles Freeman (http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/138929.The_Closing_of_the_Western_Mind__The_Rise_of_Faith___the_Fall_of_Reason)

There is a fascinating chapter on the Saylor family's origins in eastern Kentucky.  Families provided the communal backbone in a subsistence environment. Anything produced that was extra was traded or bartered, everyone worked, especially the women who were expected to stay pregnant and work in the fields, prepare the food, etc., etc. in what must have seemed to be a never-ending job.  Settlers were sparse, neighbors mostly members of the family, and anything extra was traded or bartered among the clan since markets were ridiculously far away.  Philadelphia was hundreds of miles by bridle path. Rivers could only be used during parts of the year and then were subject to  flooding. Education was virtually non-existent; medicine  consisted of home remedies and/or prayer when they didn't work.  As late as 1899, their existence was described as like Rip Van Winkle-ish.  Things just hadn't changed for 100 years.  Churches, preachers,  any kind of formal religious practices  were virtually non-existent except for circuit riders and their Scotch Presbyterian heritage, although the Methodists with their less formal and less intellectual sermons were making inroads by the mid-19th century.  Simplicity, superstition, and  reading the Bible literally thrived.  Ill luck and health were attributed to Satan.

The gradual industrialization of eastern Kentucky had profound effects on the religious practices of the formerly independent and communal families. They had always been subsistence farmers but industrialization and the influx of capital required labor.  These people  worked on a cycle determined by the natural growing cycle of the seasons rather than the arbitrary work rhythms of the mills and coal mines. In addition, the capitalists had purchased the mineral rights to the land which often resulted in roads being built through fields and land being torn up to retrieve coal.   The missionaries became tools of the new industrial class: " In 1909, H. Paul Douglass of the American Missionary Association of the Congregational Church published a book titled Christian Reconstruction in the South. Two chapters, “The Old Men of the Mountains” and “The Passing of the Mountaineer,” called for the mountaineers to be evicted from their traditional homelands. The Home Missions endorsed a change in the legal control of land and undermined a self-sufficient mountain society, while making its members into a property-less wage-earning class. It was the Home Missions goal to convey the culture of the capitalists to the mountaineers."  

Politicians joined forces with the missionaries and industrialists for a variety of reasons. The loser was always the local farmer. "The capitalists used every means possible to gain a total grip on mountain society. Toward that end, missionaries and educators played a particularly important role. Their function was “to make legitimate the exploitation, to eliminate some of the worst abuses, and to educate and change values so that the people would accept the new ways.” Schools, churches, movie theaters, ballparks, and other recreational facilities were built by the mine owners as disguised means of achieving these ends. They were critical in restructuring local communities and the lives of mountaineers. Company preachers and teachers were used to harness any destabilizing factors that threatened the interests of the mine owners and to mediate the process of proletarianization. "

Fire handling arose concomitant with snake handling, again with Biblical justification.  Between 1914 and 1920 it even surpassed snake handing in frequency during services.   The participants believe themselves to have been anointed by the Holy Spirit making them immune from poison, fire and venom. Gradually, anti-snake-handling became a cause celebre, pitting the righteous and religious freedom against the law.  Deaths from snake bite were becoming more common and as "non-believer" bystanders congregated around their religious services, the risk of someone else being killed increased. Georgia went so far as to make snake-handling that resulted in a death a capital crime for the one who brought the snake. ("Section 3 of the legislation stated, "In the event, however, that death is caused to a person on account of the violation of this Act by some other person, the prisoner shall be sentenced to death, unless the jury trying the case shall recommend mercy")

Killer snakes, i.e. those whose bite had resulted in a death, were in high demand since the "faith" required to handle such snakes was proportional to the danger. Ironically, believers interpreted a death as either the handler having too much faith or, conversely, not enough, or the handler wasn't sufficiently "anointed", or God just wanted to bring them home. Convenient.  As is typical of non-mainstream belief systems, pressure and harassment from law enforcement merely solidified their belief.  Ironically, handling was very hard on the snakes who often died after repeated handling.  This was often seen as evidence of the devil being driven out by the anointed.

In his conclusion, the author notes: "The sociologist Emile Durkheim created a “nonobvious theory of religion, in which the key to religion is not its beliefs but the social rituals that its members perform. Religion is a key to social solidarity, and religious beliefs are important, not in their own right, but as symbols of social groups.” Thus, religion becomes sociologically and culturally important, playing a significant role in the social life of Holiness worshipers. Except for his use of the loaded term “cult," J. Wayne Flynt described the snake handlers perfectly: “The cult was an enigma, a classic confrontation between cultures. Snake handling occurred most frequently not in the most isolated regions of Appalachia, but in peripheral areas undergoing change from subsistence agriculture to industry. The cult helped its members cope with the humiliation attendant to being poor and hillbilly. One way to adjust to threatening new values was to reject them, and the snake-handling group demonstrated the tension of people torn from decades of isolation and thrust into the modern world.”

The author, who holds a PhD. in history, remains dispassionate throughout, a remarkable feat, given he is a snake handler himself.  My only regret is that he should have spent more time on the “drinking poisons” such as strychnine more.  His belief in snake handling (there are pictures of him handling snakes at a service) provided unparalleled access.  A riveting history of the origins and practice of a fascinating religious belief system.

Excellent documentary at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J79ThhMuxWg

Other recommended titles:  Seedtime on the Cumberland (http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/76676.Seedtime_on_the_Cumberland ) and Flowering of the Cumberland (http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/76672.Flowering_of_the_Cumberland ) by Arnow.

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Thursday, February 07, 2013

Review of Ships' Bilge Pumps: A History of Their Development, 1500-1900

Review of Ships' Bilge Pumps: A History of Their Development, 1500-1900:


Texas A&M has a department of nautical archaeology (be still my beating heart - http://nautarch.tamu.edu/,) and they publish a journal Studies in Nautical Archaeology which in turn prints small monographs on assorted areas of interest. This small book is number 2 in that series.

Here's a piece of useful physics: "The proportional rate of water flow varies as the square root of the depth of the hole below the waterline [in a ship:]" so a hole 16 feet below the waterline will admit water 4 times faster than a hole 1 foot below the waterline. And when the water in the hold reaches the waterline, sometimes an equilibrium is reached and the ship can continue to float indefinitely, especially if the water being pumped out (and it becomes easier as the water approaches the waterline) becomes equal in volume to the amount of water entering the ship. That's why every ship had to have a bilge pump of some kind.

There is all sorts of material available about ships' rigging, naval tactics, etc., yet little research into the one item on board that might mean the difference between swimming or staying afloat. Obviously the effectiveness of the pump was crucial and constantly being refined. Leaks were common in wooden ships and the location of a leak could often be learned by placing an object (empty pot, for example) against the hull and listening for the telltale rumbling of a leak and then moving the pot until the sound was loudest. Often leaks could be repaired or slowed (and often had to be) during the voyage. Apparently, the properties of salt beef after residing in a cask for several months made quite a good caulking material (better for that than the sailors' stomachs, as well, I suspect.)

The smell of bilge water could also tell of the ship's soundness. If it really, really, stank, there was probably little leakage. When the water was relatively "clear and sweet" you've got a problem. The pumps often made the difference between life and death.

The earliest bilge pumps were made of straight lengths of trees, usually elm which survives well in a wet environment, which were then bored out using a series of drills and augurs. Leonardo was know to have designed a machines that would bore these holes. The tubes for use in a ship would normally be of one piece and about 25 feet long. There were several techniques used to pull the water up, often requiring six-ten men pulling at the end of the rope. One was a leather device that opened out against the sides of tube, pulling and pushing water up above it, much like an umbrella, and then collapsing toward the center as it was lowered back down to the bottom. As metal use became more common, a lead, hub-like, circle with holes was covered with a piece of leather attached in the center to a pole. The leather wold be forced up on the way down and collapsed back against the lead by the force of the water as it was drawn up out of the bilge.

Bronze and copper and steel soon replaced wood and developments in the steam engine had their effect on improvements in the pump. As the need to make closer and closer tolerances for the piston and cylinder in a steam engine were required, improvements in general pump technology inevitably followed. By 1798, double piston pumps were in use, although there is some evidence that two single piston pumps were preferred because if one broke down the other would remain in operation, whereas the double-piston pump was more complicated and if something broke, pumping stopped.

The Chinese had very clever chain pumps that removed the water far more efficiently, Juan Gonzales de Mendoza wrote in 1585: The pumps which they have in their ships are much differing from ours, and are far better. They make them of many pieces, with a wheel to draw water, which wheel is set on the ships sides within, wherewith they do easily cleanse their ships, for that one man alone going at the wheel doth in a quarter of an hour cleanse a great ship although she leak very much. There is evidence the Romans used chain pumps but their technology had been lost until reintroduced in Italy during the middle ages for use in mines. By 1768, a new chain pump had been introduced on an English naval vessel that was extremely efficient, removing 1 ton of water in 40 seconds using only four men. The only drawback was a tendency of the chain to break and the necessity of replacing the leathers often. The United States was slow to adopt the chain pump until the 1830's. In fact, captured British warships had their chain pumps removed and replaced by the older common pump even though a seaman at a common pump could usually work only for 200 strokes, or about 5 minutes, whereas on a chain pump for thirty minute . By the mid-nineteenth century, industrial production of pumps was common and the classic hand well pump we are all familiar with at parks became common.

The book has lots of wonderful photographs, illustrations, schematics and woodcuts to help visualize the written descriptions.


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