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Monday, February 09, 2026

Open letter to Secretary Noem

To: Secretary Kristi Noem,

Department of Homeland Security

From: Eric C. Welch

Date: February 7, 2026

Subject:  Arbitrary and Discriminatory Termination of Haiti’s Temporary Protected Status (TPS)

It is with profound dismay and moral urgency that this letter is issued in response to the recent decision by you to terminate Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haitian nationals. This action, grounded not in humanitarian principle or legal precedent but in inflammatory rhetoric and xenophobic sentiment, represents a grave betrayal of American values and international obligations.

Your decision to revoke TPS for over 350,000 Haitian individuals—many of whom have lived in the United States for over a decade, contributed to local economies, and raised American-born children—cannot be justified under any reasonable interpretation of public safety, national security, or immigration law. The cited justification of “reduced risk of harm” in Haiti is both speculative and disingenuous. As detailed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia’s opinion in Miot v. Trump, No. 25-cv-02471 (ACR) (2026), the record shows a total disregard for the “perfect storm of suffering” currently documented in Haiti.

The legal standard for TPS revocation requires a good-faith evaluation of whether the conditions that led to the designation persist. Your decision fails this standard, relying instead on political expediency. While you claim conditions are "suitable for return," your own Department of State maintains a Level 4 "Do Not Travel" advisory due to kidnapping and civil unrest. To ignore a record of "staggering humanitarian toll" suggests a preordained agenda that bypasses statutory requirements.

Your public statements regarding Haitian immigrants—most notably your characterization of them as “killers, leeches, and entitlement junkies” from “damn countries”—are not merely inflammatory; they are a calculated effort to dehumanize a vulnerable population. Your remarks echo the worst traditions of anti-immigrant propaganda, drawing parallels to historical campaigns that justified exclusion and systemic oppression.

Furthermore, your assertions that Haitians are “coming here to take our jobs and our homes” are factually indefensible. TPS holders are vital economic contributors. Haitian TPS holders alone contribute approximately $1.3 billion in annual tax revenue. Far from being "leeches," 14.5% of TPS holders are entrepreneurs—a rate significantly higher than the 9.3% of the U.S.-born workforce. By terminating this status, you are choosing to turn law-abiding, tax-paying residents into an "unlawful" population overnight, perversely straining the systems you claim to protect.

Further, the public record of your personal history—specifically the decision to kill a companion animal under the pretext of behavioral issues—underscores a troubling pattern of disregard for life. The juxtaposition of this act with your public stance on Haitian TPS reflects a broader ethos: one that values control and dominance over compassion and human dignity.

The decision to end Haitian TPS is not just a policy failure—it is a moral failure. Your rhetoric has set a dangerous precedent that values political ambition over conscience. Every individual, regardless of origin, deserves safety, dignity, and the right to live without fear.

Sincerely,

Eric C. Welch

"Woe to those who make unjust laws, to those who issue oppressive decrees, to deprive the poor of their rights and withhold justice from the oppressed of my people" (Isaiah 10:1-2, NIV),

"The stranger who dwells among you shall be to you as one born among you, and you shall love him as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt" (Leviticus 19:34, NKJV).


List of Sources  

  1. Fritz Emmanuel Lesly Miot, et al. v. Donald J. Trump, et al., Case No. 25-cv-02471 (ACR), Memorandum Opinion (Feb. 2, 2026). https://reason.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/gov.uscourts.dcd_.283214.124.0_1.pdf

  2. 8 U.S.C. § 1254a (Temporary Protected Status statute).

  3. 90 Fed. Reg. 54733 (Nov. 28, 2025), Termination of the Designation of Haiti for Temporary Protected Status. https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/11/28/2025-21379/termination-of-the-designation-of-haiti-for-temporary-protected-status

  4. Official statements by Secretary Kristi Noem via X (@Sec_Noem) dated Dec. 1, 2025 (referring to "killers, leeches, and entitlement junkies").

Quote from X: I am recommending a full travel ban on every damn country that's been flooding our nation with killers, leeches, and entitlement junkies. Our forefathers built this nation on blood, sweat, and the unyielding love of freedom—not for foreign invaders to slaughter our heroes, suck dry our hard-earned tax dollars, or snatch the benefits owed to AMERICANS. WE DON'T WANT THEM. NOT ONE." https://x.com/Sec_Noem/status/1995642101779124476

  1. Center for American Progress / Miot v. Trump evidence regarding $5.2 billion in total TPS tax contributions and $1.3 billion specifically from Haitian holders. https://www.americanprogress.org/article/resources-on-temporary-protected-status/

  2. U.S. Department of State, Haiti Travel Advisory (Level 4: Do Not Travel) reissued July 2025.

  3. Journal of Migration and Human Security data regarding 14.5% entrepreneurship rate among TPS holders vs. 9.3% for U.S.-born citizens.  https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/blog/economic-contributions-tps-holders/

  4. https://www.fwd.us/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Haiti-TPS-Fact-Sheet_January-2026.pdf

  5. No Going Back: The Truth on What’s Wrong with Politics and How We Move America Forward (Kristi Noem, 2024), regarding personal accounts of animal management. page 178+

 

    + cc: Senators Durbin and Duckworth

    • Representative Sorenson

 

Saturday, January 31, 2026

Economic Impact to Communities of AI, Robotic Replacement, and Immigrants

Recent announcements by Amazon and other major companies that they intended to layoff significant numbers of workers to be replaced by AI and robotics got me thinking of the economic impact to communities of these losses. The immediate impact is an increase in the stock price for the company, which makes the market happy, as the bottom line increases.  Beyond that, however, the salary and tax losses cause significant negative impacts on the communities where employees lived.

The surge in artificial intelligence adoption between 2024 and 2026 represents more than a technological milestone; it signals the definitive onset of what has been called the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Unlike previous industrial shifts that focused on physical mechanization, this era integrates "intelligence" directly into production via AI and blockchain, fundamentally threatening the labor-based tax models that have sustained modern social safety nets for nearly a century. "Nearly 3 in 10 companies said they’ve already replaced jobs with AI, and by the end of 2026, 37% expect to have replaced jobs with AI.(1). For example, Intel is replacing about 15,000 workers as they move to AI chip production and Amazon plans to reduce middle management and bureaucracy by using more AI. One source (2) reported that "leading U.S. corporations have announced significant layoffs in 2025 and early 2026, collectively affecting hundreds of thousands of employees. Many cuts have targeted corporate, technical, and administrative roles that companies believe can be streamlined through automation and AI tools. . . .Companies are widely investing in artificial intelligence to automate routine tasks and accelerate innovation. This has made certain jobs redundant — particularly in corporate services, customer support, and middle management. AI‑related cutbacks accounted for thousands of layoffs in 2025 alone, underscoring how technology adoption now directly influences employment decisions.

The transition to AI-driven organizational models creates impacts well beyond advantages to the corporation. When corporations replace taxable human payroll with automated systems, they capture "efficiency gains" that are currently untaxed at the source of labor. This creates an immediate deficit in federal and local social insurance programs and infrastructure spending, as the high-volume payroll taxes that fund the social contract are traded for corporate capital gains that lack equivalent redistributive mechanisms.

Federal benefits, such as Social Security and Medicare—operate on a "payroll tax dependency" model. These systems require a stable ratio of human taxpayers to beneficiaries to remain solvent. Approximately 50% of federal revenue is derived from income taxes, meaning the replacement of human workers with AI agents is an existential threat to the mathematical framework of these programs. Coupled with current administration policy to remove all immigrants regardless of status and a declining birth rate, the math becomes clear and inescapable.

The declining taxpayer-to-beneficiary ratio is reaching a critical breaking point. While the expansion of capital gains may benefit shareholders, it does not automatically replenish the Social Security Trust Funds, which are legally tethered to payroll contributions.

In 2024, AI created an estimated 119,000 direct jobs, such as AI engineering and data center construction, which technically exceeded explicit AI-related layoffs for that specific year. However, this equilibrium is a mirage.

The World Economic Forum (WEF) projects that 92 million jobs will become obsolete by 2030. The small volume of high-skill AI jobs cannot replace the lost tax revenue from millions of middle-management and operational roles.  Research indicates that for an automated economy to sustain the social safety net without human payroll, AI must be five to seven times more productive than current systems.

This productivity gap is the crux of the solvency crisis. New high-tech jobs are a temporary reprieve, not a solution. Unless AI productivity reaches that 5–7x threshold and policy levers are adjusted to capture that value, federal social insurance programs face an accelerated timeline to insolvency, as the tax base evaporates faster than the aging population exits the workforce. Coupled with an enormous decline in revenue lost from taxes paid by undocumented workers, (4) and the future becomes even bleaker.

Impact on local communities is substantial.  In 2026 the shift to AI systems in agriculture is having severe impacts on communities.The direct cost is the displacement of migrant and seasonal labor. A strawberry harvester can replace 15-30 workers. Most of those workers lack unemployment insurance, access to retraining, and mental health support.Indirect costs drain the resources of rural communities who host these workers about 4-8 months during the year. Seasonal workers spend a large percentage of their earnings on clothing, food, and supplies.  Without them local stores lose up to 40% of their annual income. Seasonal housing becomes vacant and falls intro disrepair. School enrollment falls leading to less assistance from the state. For every $1000 in wages lost, $1400 in economic activity is lost to the community. (5)

 A 2025 study from the Richmond Fed notes that for every high-wage job lost, there is a "downstream" decline in local service jobs. Displaced workers stop spending at local restaurants, gyms, and retail stores, causing a second wave of layoffs in the service sector. As property values potentially decline and income tax revenue drops, the local government’s ability to fund schools and infrastructure is weakened, which can lead to a "death spiral" for small manufacturing towns. (9)

Solutions are not obvious. The central tension for fiscal policy is capturing automation-driven value without stifling the innovation essential for competitiveness. The debate centers on the "Robot Tax" versus broader corporate reform. Andrew Yang, Bill Gates, and others have suggested taxing robots. (7) Others recommend a focus on taxing productivity gains as making more sense.

Defining a "robot" is technically complex. When we think robot we envision those magnificent, unstoppable machines in auto factories that do everything better and faster without asking for time off or bathroom breaks. But ISO 8373 defines industrial robots much more broadly, as "reprogrammable, multipurpose manipulators," this fails to account for software-based automation like Microsoft Word’s grammar check or accounting algorithms. Taxing physical machines creates a disproportionate burden on manufacturing while exempting the service sector’s digital automation. Taxing the machine is elusive.

Overall, robots have a mixed effect: replacing jobs that relatively high-wage manufacturing employees used to perform, while also making firms more efficient and more productive, an MIT article reported (8) Some areas are most affected by the mixed impact of robots. “In the U.S., especially in the industrial heartland, we find that the displacement effect is large,” he said. “When those jobs disappear, those workers go and take other jobs from lower wage workers. It has a negative effect, and demand goes down for some of the retail jobs and other service jobs.

Automation fundamentally shifts the infamous Laffer Curve.(6) In a human-only economy, tax revenue peaks at a certain rate; however, automation shifts this curve upward and rightward. Because machines do not require incentives to work and increase productivity margins, the state can responsibly increase corporate tax rates to achieve a higher peak of total tax collection than was possible in the pre-automation model, without losing the incentive for firms to automate. The superior alternative is to treat automation as a driver for higher corporate tax rates on efficiency gains, ensuring that the shift from labor to capital does not result in a net loss to the public treasury.

The systemic bias where capital investment in software/equipment is taxed at approximately 5%, while labor is taxed at over 25% needs to be addressed. Eliminating this disparity removes the artificial tax incentive for firms to automate solely for tax avoidance.

Companies received substantial tax benefits by agreeing to build in a community, often promising wildly optimistic predictions of the number of jobs that will be created. Communities should require that any tax benefit be reduced in proportion to any lessening of the number of jobs created. For example, if a company promises 1000 new jobs but only 500 result, the tax benefit would be reduced by 50%.

Policymakers must aggressively decouple social funding from human labor to prevent the collapse of the nation-state model and ensure that the wealth of the "machine economy" is reinvested into the human economy.


(1) https://www.hrdive.com/news/companies-will-replace-workers-with-ai-by-2026/760729/#:~:text=This%20audio%20is%20auto%2Dgenerated,September%20report and 

 https://www.resume.org/6-in-10-companies-plan-to-lay-off-employees-in-2026-amid-economic-uncertainty%20by%20Resume.org.

(2) https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/us/why-are-amazon-intel-microsoft-and-17-others-cutting-165000-jobs-now-a-massive-structural-shift-is-hitting-the-u-s-corporate-workforce-in-2026/articleshow/127160433.cms?from=mdr

(4)According to 2024 and 2025 reports from the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP) and the Tax Policy Center, undocumented immigrants contribute billions annually:

  • Total Annual Contributions: Undocumented immigrants paid approximately $96.7 billion in federal, state, and local taxes in 2022.

  • Federal Payroll Taxes: About 50% to 75% of undocumented workers have federal taxes withheld from their paychecks. This includes Social Security and Medicare taxes, even though these workers are generally ineligible to receive the benefits they fund.

  • State and Local Taxes: Beyond income tax, undocumented residents pay sales taxes on purchases and property taxes (either directly as homeowners or indirectly through rent paid to landlords).

  • Economic Impact: A 2025 study noted that in 40 U.S. states, undocumented immigrants actually pay a higher effective tax rate than the top 1% of households in those states.

 https://itep.org/undocumented-immigrants-taxes-2024/  

(5) https://cafarmtrust.org/the-economic-impact-of-cv-ag-a-case-study/#:~:text=UC%20Davis%20Ag%20Issues%20Center,other%20parts%20of%20the%20economy.  and https://laca.ucmerced.edu/#:~:text=Funded%20in%202021%20by%20the,to%20transform%20the%20workforce%20and

(6) See https://www.investopedia.com/terms/l/laffercurve.asp for an explanation of the Laffer Curve.

(7) "The case for taxing robots — or not  . Robots aren’t taxed on the paychecks they’re taking from human workers. Should companies be held responsible?" by Meredith Somers, Jun 14, 2019  https://mitsloan.mit.edu/ideas-made-to-matter/case-taxing-robots-or-not

(8) "A new study measures the actual impact of robots on jobs. It’s significant.   Industrial robots negatively affect jobs and wages. The impact varies by region and industry." by Sara Brown Jul 29, 2020  https://mitsloan.mit.edu/ideas-made-to-matter/a-new-study-measures-actual-impact-robots-jobs-its-significant#:~:text=%E2%80%9CIn%20the%20U.S.%2C%20especially%20in,jobs%20and%20other%20service%20jobs.%E2%80%9D

(9) "The uneven labor market impact of industrial robots   How are the effects of automation spread across the population?  " by Tyler Smith. https://www.aeaweb.org/research/automation-employment-gaps-us#:~:text=When%20robots%20displace%20manufacturing%20workers,hit%20minority%20workers%20particularly%20hard.

 



Sunday, January 18, 2026

Review: Battle for the Marble Palace by David Bobelian

Conventional wisdom likes to pin the birth of today’s scorched-earth Supreme Court confirmation battles on the Democrats’ treatment of Robert Bork in 1987. But that story is too neat, and too late. The real turning point came nearly two decades earlier, and—like so many American political convulsions—it traces back to 1968. Mark Kurlansky famously called 1968 the year that changed everything, and judicial politics were no exception. As legal historian David Bobelian argues, the modern war on Supreme Court nominations begins not with Bork but with Strom Thurmond.

Furious at the Democratic Party’s embrace of civil rights, Thurmond bolted the party and vowed revenge. He blamed the Warren Court for what he saw as the dismantling of the Constitution—by which he largely meant the dismantling of Jim Crow. Brown v. Board of Education, the expansion of privacy rights, and rulings on school prayer were, to Thurmond, evidence of a runaway judiciary.

What made Thurmond different was his strategy. He openly urged conservatives to undermine the Court’s legitimacy and turn public opinion against it. Many of the Warren Court’s decisions were deeply unpopular, and Thurmond helped fuse a potent coalition—evangelicals, law-and-order voters, and segregationists—that would become the backbone of the modern Republican Party.

Into this volatile atmosphere stepped Lyndon Johnson. Eager to cement his legacy, Johnson persuaded Justice Arthur Goldberg to step down to elevate his close friend, Abe Fortas, to Chief Justice. This move proved a tactical disaster. Thurmond found an ally in James Eastland, the segregationist chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, who wielded institutional power to stall the nomination.

The deeper grievance was not Fortas himself but the "one person, one vote" decision in Baker v. Carr, which threatened the gerrymandered districts of rural white power. When the Fortas nomination collapsed, it fundamentally changed the vetting process. As Nixon speechwriter Pat Buchanan wrote for a Nixon speech: “Now, because of the Fortas matter, I determined that the appointee should not be a personal friend.” This declaration wiped out the traditional pool of candidates—senators, governors, and cabinet officials—who were now deemed too vulnerable to charges of cronyism.

Nixon capitalized on this shift, using the "Southern Strategy" to reward his base. While his appointment of Warren Burger was smooth, his subsequent attempts to fill Fortas’s seat with Clement Haynsworth and G. Harrold Carswell met fierce resistance from labor and civil rights groups.

Nixon’s aggression went beyond filling seats; he sought to purge the bench of liberals like William O. Douglas. In a precursor to modern partisan tactics, Nixon had the FBI tap Douglas’s phone and the IRS audit him. Future Vice President Gerald Ford led the public charge for impeachment, famously arguing that an impeachable offense was "whatever a majority of the House of Representatives considers it to be at a given moment in history." Though these efforts to remove sitting justices failed, the "inter-species pathogen" of politicization had crossed over. Nixon had forged a template for using the executive branch to reshape the judiciary for partisan ends, fine-tuning the focus on a nominee’s race, gender, or religion as political currency.

When Robert Bork finally arrived at the Senate in 1987, the battlefield had long since been prepared. The greatest irony was the role reversal: Strom Thurmond, the man who had pioneered the filibuster and the character assault against Fortas, now took charge of defending Bork.

Thurmond railed against Bork's opponents for "deviating from traditions," conveniently ignoring his own history of conducting "adult film festivals" during hearings to shame nominees or his relentless delegitimization of the Warren Court. He had violated the norms twenty years prior; now, he invoked them as a shield.

The confluence of these forces—the quest for ideological purity, the focus on identity politics, and the rejection of "crony" candidates—has left us with a hyper-politicized Court. Today, advocates on both sides have concluded it is far easier to influence five justices to push a political agenda than to appeal to thousands of legislators or the broader public.

The Bork hearings were not the beginning of this war; they were its inheritance. The rules had been rewritten in 1968, in an era where resentment over civil rights and a deliberate campaign of delegitimization converged to change the "Marble Palace" forever.