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Sunday, February 22, 2026

Doomsday by Design: Strategic Doctrine, System Fragility, and the Recurring Risk of Accidental Nuclear War

 I have been collecting assorted quotes and pulled out some pertinent ones about nuclear weapons. The challenge, as George W. Bush memorably put it, is that a president wouldn’t even have time to get off the “crapper” before having to make a launch decision, a decision that could be based on partial, contradictory, or even false information. Ronald Reagan, when he assumed the presidency, was said to have been shocked that he would have as little as six minutes to make a decision to launch. I highly recommend the movie House of Dynamite to get a sense of how the decisions are made and the limited amount of time available to make those decisions.

The socio-biologist E. O. Wilson described the central problem of humanity this way: “We have Paleolithic emotions, medieval institutions, and godlike technology.” The main challenge of the 80 years since the Trinity atomic test has been that we do not possess the cognitive, spiritual, and emotional capabilities necessary to successfully manage nuclear weapons without the risk of catastrophic failure.

Technical flaws are inevitable in any complex system. I read and reviewed an excellent book entitled Normal Accidents several years ago. Perrow explains how human reliance on technology and over-design will inevitably lead to failure precisely because of inherent safety design. [2] Just a couple examples: 

November 9, 1979 – NORAD False Alarm
A training tape simulating a massive Soviet strike was mistakenly loaded onto an operational NORAD computer. The system flagged a large‑scale attack, prompting SAC, ICBM crews, nuclear bombers, and the National Emergency Airborne Command Post to go on high alert. Six minutes later, satellite data showed no real launch, and the alert was cancelled. The error was traced to the technician’s mistake. As senior State Department adviser Marshall Shulman later noted, such false alerts are not uncommon.

 

October 28, 1962 – Cuban Missile Crisis False Alarm
Radar operators in Moorestown, NJ, reported an imminent nuclear strike aimed at Tampa, FL, just before 9 am. The warning turned out to be a false positive caused by a test tape simulating a Cuban missile launch being run simultaneously with an unexpected satellite passing overhead. Overlapping radars that could have verified the event were offline, and the operators had not received the usual satellite‑pass notification because the responsible facility was reassigned elsewhere. The alarm was quickly dismissed.

In 2007, John Rubel decided to write a short memoir (1) that detailed his experiences working on the grand plan for nuclear war. As Deputy Director of Defense Research & Engineering, Rubel was invited to attend a very secret meeting of the top military brass that discussed and presented SIOP-62 that determined how an attack would be met, i.e. the nuclear response. It was guaranteed to cause about 2 billion deaths, which, at that time (1960--I was 13 at the time) represented about 30% of the world's population. They also analyzed the possibility of accidental firing of the Minuteman missiles as well as the options available to the president, none really, and as noted above, s/he had but minutes to decide what to do. It amounted to genocide on a massive scale. "Rubel revealed this information in a short memoir. As Rubel prepared for his own death, he summoned the courage to express a long-repressed truth. That he felt remorse for having participated in such a “heart of darkness” plan. For saying nothing for so many decades after the fact. What he was part of, Rubel wrote, was a plan for “mass extermination.” [2]

SIOP-62 and the design of the MinuteMan missile system had a commonality: “Both deliberately removed effective operational control from the President or any other civilian or even military commander in the event of a nuclear confrontation. And the Minuteman launch system design, a “detail” not generally considered within the purview or even competence of high-level policy makers, invited the possibility of unauthorized or accidental mass launch of tens or even hundreds of nuclear-tipped missiles with little or no warning.”[3]) Numerous military leaders argued for a pre-emptive strike rather than wait for an attack and they actively lobbied for it, retaliation with mutual destruction be damned.

Rubel’s Doomsday Delayed demonstrates how strategic doctrine became hardwired into technological systems during the formative years of the Minuteman ICBM and SIOP-62. The Minuteman missile was praised as a survivable second-strike deterrent: hardened silos, solid-fuel propulsion, and near-instant launch capability. Yet these features also supported launch-on-warning logic and narrowed civilian decision space. The original launch architecture required only a limited “vote” among underground control centers to fire an entire squadron of missiles, emphasizing speed over deliberation. Early electromechanical vulnerabilities further exposed the risks of unintended launch.

SIOP-62 compounded this rigidity by offering essentially all-or-nothing strike options. The scale of projected casualties—hundreds of millions—was matched by the narrowness of political flexibility. Rubel’s central insight is that strategic systems can “determine policy by their very design.”¹

The 1998 New England Journal of Medicine  Special Report [7], issued not long after the fall of the Soviet Union, challenged the widespread assumption that the end of the Cold War eliminated nuclear danger. The authors concluded that U.S. and Russian nuclear forces remained on high alert and that launch-on-warning procedures persisted unchanged. They warned that aging Russian technical systems, deteriorating early-warning satellites, and declining morale among nuclear personnel had increased the risk of accidental or unauthorized launch.

The NEJM analysis emphasized that both countries maintained thousands of warheads capable of being launched within approximately fifteen minutes. Launch procedures allowed only a few minutes for detection, top-level decision-making, and dissemination of authorization. Such compressed timelines magnify the danger of false alarms, technical malfunction, or misinterpretation.

The NEJM authors also noted that even after the 1994 U.S.–Russian agreement to “detarget” missiles, no additional time had been added to the launch process; retargeting is simply part of routine procedures.⁵ Thus symbolic de-escalation did not materially reduce operational risk.

The Union of Concerned Scientists’ fact sheet documents numerous “broken arrows” and false warnings, including radar misreadings, computer errors, and hardware malfunctions. These incidents reveal that technical failure is not anomalous but recurring. "Despite the most elaborate precautions, it is conceivable that technical malfunction or human failure, a misinterpreted incident or unauthorized action, could trigger a nuclear disaster or nuclear war." — U.S. –Soviet Accident Measures Agreement, September 1971 [4],  The sheet notes that while there are multiple redundant safety mechanisms to prevent accidentally triggering a device, there are been failures and only luck has prevented an explosion. Many accidents have happened over the United States, but we never hear of them as publicity is disallowed. Similarly, we can only assume a similar number of accidents have happened in other nuclear countries in spite of precautions.

The 1983 Petrov incident remains one of the most consequential examples. Soviet satellites detected what appeared to be incoming U.S. missiles. All systems pointed to an imminent attack. Lieutenant Colonel Stanislav Petrov judged the alert to be a malfunction rather than an attack. Subsequent investigation showed that sunlight reflecting off clouds had fooled the satellite sensors. His refusal to escalate the warning likely prevented retaliatory launch.

The NEJM article reinforces this concern, identifying false-warning–triggered launch as one of the most plausible accidental-war scenarios. It specifically referenced the 1995 Norwegian rocket incident as an example of how ambiguous data nearly initiated Russian launch procedures under standard protocols.

On January 25, 1995, a Norwegian scientific rocket was mistaken by Russian radar for a possible submarine-launched ballistic missile. President Boris Yeltsin activated the nuclear briefcase for the first time in history. Only minutes remained before a response deadline under launch-on-warning doctrine when Russian analysts concluded the object posed no threat.

These incidents demonstrate how automated systems, when coupled with high-alert postures, compress decision time to a matter of minutes and elevate ambiguous data into existential threats.

The NEJM article moved beyond strategic analysis to model the public health consequences of an accidental intermediate-scale Russian submarine launch. The authors analyzed a scenario involving a single Delta-IV submarine carrying 16 missiles with multiple 100-kiloton warheads. They estimated that if 48 warheads detonated over eight major U.S. urban areas, immediate firestorm deaths could total approximately 6.8 million people.

The physical effects would include super-heated firestorms with near-100 percent lethality within several kilometers of each detonation, widespread fallout zones delivering lethal radiation doses within hours, collapse of sanitation and medical infrastructure, and likely epidemics of infectious disease. The authors concluded that secondary deaths from radiation and infrastructure collapse could exceed initial fatalities. (See Annie Jacobsen's book for a precise recounting of the process.)

Health care systems would be completely overwhelmed. Most major medical centers in affected cities would be destroyed. The United States’ limited burn-care capacity—only about 1,700 beds nationwide—would be grossly insufficient. The NEJM authors emphasized that no effective medical response could meaningfully mitigate such destruction. Prevention, therefore, becomes the only viable public health strategy.

The NEJM report concluded that ballistic missile defense offers no reliable short-term solution and that de-alerting nuclear forces is both more feasible and more effective. The authors urged a verified bilateral agreement between the United States and Russia to remove missiles from high-level alert and eliminate rapid-launch capability. Similar recommendations have been advanced by the National Academy of Sciences, senior military leaders, and nuclear policy experts.

Rubel likewise credited civilian intervention during the Kennedy administration with correcting Minuteman vulnerabilities and expanding presidential control.¹ The UCS report similarly advocates reducing hair-trigger alert status to mitigate accidental launch risk.

These proposals share a common goal: extending decision time and restoring deliberative space to nuclear command systems. The logic is straightforward—if accidental or mistaken launch becomes physically impossible within minutes, the risk of catastrophe declines dramatically.

Across Cold War and post–Cold War contexts, a consistent pattern emerges. Nuclear systems are designed for speed. Warning systems are imperfect. Human error and technical malfunction are recurrent. Decision time is measured in minutes.

Rubel shows how doctrine became embedded in system design. The UCS documents repeated near-disasters. The Petrov and Norwegian rocket incidents illustrate how individual judgment narrowly prevented escalation. The NEJM assessment demonstrates that even a “limited” accidental launch would produce millions of immediate deaths and incalculable secondary casualties.

Nuclear catastrophe has been avoided not because systems are fail-safe, but because failure has thus far stopped short of irreversibility. As long as launch-on-warning postures and high-alert arsenals persist, the annual probability of accidental war—however small—remains nonzero. Over time, such probabilities accumulate. [9]

The most dangerous feature of nuclear arsenals is not their destructive yield but their speed. Extending decision time, removing weapons from hair-trigger alert, and ultimately eliminating nuclear arsenals altogether remain not merely strategic preferences but urgent public health imperatives.


Endnotes  

  1. John H. Rubel, Doomsday Delayed: USAF Strategic Weapons Doctrine and SIOP-62, 1959–1962 (Lanham, MD: Hamilton Books, 2008).  https://www.si.edu/media/NASM/NASM-DoomsdayDelayed.pdf free download from the Smithsonian.

  2. My review: https://www.goodreads.com/review/show/37704050

    1. Perrow, Charles  (1999) Normal Accidents: Living with high risk technologies. Princeton University Press.

    2. Perrow, Charles. (2011) The next catastrophe: Reducing our vulnerabilities to natural, industrial, and terrorist disasters. Princeton University Press.

      1. This follow-up to his 1999 book discusses solutions to the highly coupled systems in order to reduce the inevitability of accidents.

  3. Jacobsen, Annie. Nuclear War: A Scenario, 2024.  Chap 1.

  4. Rubel, , Preface

  5. Union of Concerned Scientists, “Close Calls with Nuclear Weapons” (Fact Sheet): https://www.ucs.org/sites/default/files/attach/2015/04/Close%2520Calls%2520with%2520Nuclear%2520Weapons.pdf

  6. “1983 Soviet nuclear false alarm incident,” Wikipedia.

  7. TOI World Desk, “The first world leader to activate the ‘nuclear briefcase’: How a Norwegian research rocket nearly triggered nuclear war,” Times of India, Feb. 19, 2026.

  8. Lachlan Forrow et al., “Accidental Nuclear War — A Post–Cold War Assessment,” New England Journal of Medicine 338, no. 18 (April 30, 1998): 1326–1331.

    9. Avenhaus, R., Fichtner, J., Brams, S. J., & Kilgour, D. M. (1989). The probability of nuclear war. Journal of Peace Research, 26(1), 91-99. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343389026001009 

I really hesitate to even list this as a source.  However, it's an interesting attempt to statistically analyze and estimate the likelihood of nuclear war.  If you like lots of stuff like: then you'll love this article. According to George Sorenson, during the Cuban missile crisis ,   Kennedy estimated the chances of a major war between the United States and the Soviet Union to be somewhere between 30 and 50%. How he came to that conclusion and its validity would appear to be nothing but his intuition. The authors in this article have applied statistical methods to estimate the statistical likelihood given certain assumptions, e.g. first strike, accidental, erosion of trust, avoid defeat, etc.  It's an interesting exercise, but I'm not sure it gets us anywhere. One element they did not account for was a demented in the White House.  You can get the article (it's short) here.  Note that it was written just before the fall of the USSR,

 Other Sources

 Ellsberg, D. (2017). The doomsday machine: Confessions of a nuclear war planner. Bloomsbury Publishing USA.  Memoir by a former nuclear war planner who had access to highly classified plans; he describes Cold War launch authorities, hair‑trigger postures, and multiple times

Rhodes, R. (2007). Arsenals of folly. Vintage. Covers late–Cold War nuclear politics, arms racing, and crises around the Reagan–Gorbachev era, with attention to moments when misunderstanding and brinkmanship raised the risk of war.

Schlosser, E. (2014). Command and control. Michael Joseph.  (2013) Focuses on the 1980 Titan II missile explosion in Damascus, Arkansas, then widens out to a history of nuclear accidents, broken arrows, and close calls inside the U.S. arsenal, arguing that human error and system complexity make “perfect” safety impossible.

 

Wednesday, February 11, 2026

Norman Morrison: Self-immolation as a political act.

I happened across Norman Morrison in a review of the new Taubman biography of Robert McNamara. I had also been reading comments on social media about Vietnam and the idea that self-immolation was a completely foreign concept to the western mind, particularly the Christian one. As one who attended Quaker school and was intimately acquainted and supportive of Quaker pacifism during the Vietnam War, it was obvious there was something here worth investigating; after all, isn't one of the highest military and Christian values to give your life to save the greater number? Wasn't that precisely a rationale for McNamara's support for the firebombing of Japan, an action he knew was a war crime?

During World War II he became a leading adviser to General Curtis LeMay in designing the firebombing of Japan. He approached it as an accounting challenge and calculated that more destruction could be wrought if planes flew at a lower altitude, enabling them to hit more targets while also facing a greater risk of being shot down. More Americans and Japanese died as a result; the firebombing killed 100,000 people in Tokyo and brought mass destruction to more than sixty other Japanese cities. In The Fog of War McNamara acknowledges that he committed war crimes. “But what makes it immoral if you lose and not immoral if you win?” he asks. The question is left unanswered. (Fog of War)

Morrison decided on his course of action after watching and reading about all the children being killed in Vietnam by U.S. napalm and bombing. A friend and fellow Quaker noted that Norman had been praying for god’s will for himself and, in response to the criminal war in Vietnam, “he’d been writing letters to editors, to congressmen, to the President, and the Pentagon; he’d participated in demonstrations and protests . . . to try to convince people that what we were doing in Vietnam was wrong . . . but it hadn’t worked. And now he had to do something else . . . some dramatic gesture” Just where does that, as a political statement come from? Does it work? Can it accomplish political goals?

Self-immolation, is not supposed to be viewed as a terminal act of despair; it is a radical form of political protest designed to shock the moral consciousness of a nation. In 1965, as the Vietnam War escalated toward an industrialized slaughter, I had just graduated high school and to be perfectly honest, civil rights was more of an issue for me than Vietnam, even as it heated up and the draft came more into focus. There were all forms of dissent—marches, tax resistance, and petitions—but nothing shook the conscience more than the burning of the monk in 1963 but I suspect as a foreign event in a foreign culture in a faraway land, it did nothing to those in American politics.

Morrison's, on the other hand, had a dramatic effect on McNamara, especially as it occurred within 40 feet of his window. McNamara wrote: "Norman Morrison's action dramatized for me the tremendous discrepancy between the moral imperative-the prohibition on the killing of other human beings that I had subscribed to all my life- and what was occurring daily in Vietnam"' From that tragic moment on, McNamara changed gears. He continued to run the war, but he devoted more of his attention to negotiations. At his initiative, a month after the suicide, the USA decided on a 37-day bombing pause. "We thought we were acting in the interests of mankind, but the cost in lives was far greater than we or others had predicted." He realized by the time of his memoir that the US could have ended the war as early as 1962, ten years before it was finally concluded with an American retreat, if it had explored more fully non-military ways of achieving US goals. In that case we might have "saved our soul", he concluded.

Morrison was not the first Westerner to take this extreme form of political protest.   Alice Herz was the  first Western citizen to utilize self-immolation to protest the Vietnam War. Her sacrifice carried an immense theological and historical weight; as an 82-year-old refugee who had fled Nazi Germany, she was intimately acquainted with the cycle of state-sponsored destruction. Her act on March 16, 1965, in Detroit, was not merely a protest against a localized conflict but a witness against the recurring darkness of the 20th century. Although her act was initially under-reported because no immediate advocate stepped forward to tell her story, its significance as a precursor to Morrison's Pentagon witness cannot be overstated. But Herz's stated goals were broader.

She offered a searing critique of the billions appropriated for war through "hatred and fear." She explicitly linked the Vietnam conflict to the broader threat of nuclear proliferation, warning that the "Arsenal of Destruction—unlimited" would lead to global ruin unless the public was "awakened to action."  Herz performed her sacrifice with her mouth stuffed with cotton. This was to serve as a symbol of the marginalized voice of dissent, a physical manifestation of the inability of the people's plea for peace to penetrate the "Arsenal of Destruction."  While contemporary observers mischaracterized her act as a "collapse of hope," her private letters to her daughter, Helga, reveal a different motivation. Herz insisted her act was born "out of hope for mankind," a constructive attempt to inspire a "transnational solidarity" that bridged her European refugee experience with American and Japanese anti-war movements.

She set the stage for the specific "divine leading" that would soon consume Norman Morrison.

On November 2, 1965, Norman Morrison, a 31-year-old Baltimore Quaker, targeted the Pentagon to witness against the "impersonal, mechanistic thinking" of the Department of Defense. His choice of location was surgical; by igniting himself directly beneath the window of Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, he brought the "fire of the Vietnamese village" to the epicenter of the American war machine. Morrison’s final day was marked by a haunting normalcy: he ate a lunch of French onion soup and grilled cheese sandwiches with his wife, Anne, and spent his final hours preparing notes for a New Testament class; he had been praying for guidance and on that day felt sure God was telling him what to do. Within the Quaker tradition, Morrison followed a "holy and compelling obedience" to a divine directive. This was not a rational political calculation but a response to the "Inward Light," which he believed demanded a sacrifice to awaken the numbed conscience of his compatriots.

Morrison was moved by an article in I.F. Stone’s Weekly detailing Father Currien’s account of a South Vietnamese village destroyed by American bombs. The image of women and children "blown to bits" was the immediate directive that compelled him to act for the "children in the priest's village."  He had read an article that morning about

Morrison’s decision to bring his 11-month-old daughter, Emily, to the Pentagon was startling to say the least. While his wife interpreted Emily as a "symbol of hope and survival," the vague references in his farewell letters to "Abraham’s sacrifice" suggest a darker, theological ambiguity—a radical questioning of whether the sacrifice of the innocent was the only language the Pentagon could understand. He had written a letter to his wife in which he describes having prayed for guidance, and this action was apparently the message he received from God. If you have ever been to Quaker Meeting, as I have many, many times, you'll understand how this personal relationship where God speaks directly to you is an important part.  I spoke once in Meeting, but it was less evidence of God speaking to me than me as a sanctimonious son-of-a-bitch. But the Elders loved it.

Witnesses watched as Morrison doused himself in kerosene and struck a match on his shoe, an act of grit and finality. He safely set Emily aside only moments before the flames took him, leaving a legacy that would haunt the institutional facade of the war for decades. (While Emily's clothes had been soaked in kerosene, she was set aside and not harmed.  One wonders if she hadn't been part of some Abrahamic delusion but changed his mind at the last minute.)

Morrison's protest successfully penetrated McNamara's psyche shattering the "overflowing confidence" of Secretary Robert McNamara. The protest was not merely a public relations crisis; it was a personal haunting that manifested in the physical and emotional deterioration of the McNamara family, with his wife and son developing ulcers from the stress of public accusations like "Baby burner!" and "Murderer!"

The moral justification for self-immolation rests on a philosophical paradox: using a final act of self-directed violence to witness against systemic external violence. The idea of "laying down one's life for his friends" is, of course, also a very military concept, i.e. throw yourself on the grenade to save your squad.,

The Society of Friends remains divided over this legacy. Some viewed it as a violation of the "pacifist testimony" against taking any life, while others saw Morrison as a "model Quaker" who followed the "Inward Light" , i.e. that of God in every man, to its ultimate, agonizing conclusion. Ultimately, these individuals believed that their self-sacrifice would save the lives of thousands of others.  

In the case of the Buddhist monk, it surely spelled the beginning of the end for the Diem regime; Herz's death, probably because there was so little press coverage, had almost no effect other than to encourage Morrison's suicide by fire.  Morrison's death clearly affected McNamara, but in the end, the sacrifices of these three didn't prevent many more years of war and the deaths of millions of people.

I have Craig McNamara's memoir on my list to read. McNmara's position on the war bitterly divided his family, and reviews suggest it's Craig way of coming to terms with that animosity. (McNamara, C. (2022). Because our fathers lied: A memoir of truth and family, from Vietnam to today. Little, Brown. )

Bibliography of Consulted Sources  

  • Benn, James A. (2007). Burning for the Buddha: Self-immolation in Chinese Buddhism. University of Hawai'i Press.

  • Cassie, Ron. (2025). "Norman Morrison’s Self-Immolation Protesting the Vietnam War Shocked America’s Conscience." Baltimore Magazine.

  • https://www.documentaries.org/films/phoenix-the-life-and-death-of-alice-herz/

  • Khalil, Sarah. (2020). "Mohamed Bouazizi, 1984-2011: The fire that lit the Arab Spring." The New Arab.

  • McNamara, Robert. (1995). In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam. Times Books. My review: https://www.goodreads.com/review/show/37580670

  • Patler, Nicholas. (2015). "Norman's Triumph: The Transcendent Language of Self-Immolation." Quaker Theology. If you read nothing else, read this excellent analysis of Morrison's actions.  You can get her here: https://quakertheology.org/Morrison-Patler-Remembering-Norman.pdf

  • Tibbits-Lamirande, Meghan. "The Self-Immolation of Alice Herz." All Academic.

  • Friends Journal. (December 1, 1965). Volume 11, Number 23. Contributors: William Bagwell, Lawrence Scott, and Jeanette S. Michener.

  • Welsh, Anne M. Fire of the Heart: Norman Morrison's Legacy in Viet Nam and at Home. 2005.   (Welsh was Morrison's wife and fellow Quaker.) This pamphlet is available from Pendle Hill: https://pendlehill.org/product/fire-of-the-heart-norman-morrisons-legacy-in-viet-nam-and-at-home/

  • Welsh, Anne M., and Joyce Hollyday. Held in the Light: Norman Morrison's Sacrifice for Peace and His Family's Journey of Healing. 2008. (Describes Morrison's family visit to Vietnam where Morrison is still considered something of a hero. Very personal Quaker book.)

 

 

Monday, February 09, 2026

Open letter to Secretary Noem

To: Secretary Kristi Noem,

Department of Homeland Security

From: Eric C. Welch

Date: February 7, 2026

Subject:  Arbitrary and Discriminatory Termination of Haiti’s Temporary Protected Status (TPS)

It is with profound dismay and moral urgency that this letter is issued in response to the recent decision by you to terminate Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haitian nationals. This action, grounded not in humanitarian principle or legal precedent but in inflammatory rhetoric and xenophobic sentiment, represents a grave betrayal of American values and international obligations.

Your decision to revoke TPS for over 350,000 Haitian individuals—many of whom have lived in the United States for over a decade, contributed to local economies, and raised American-born children—cannot be justified under any reasonable interpretation of public safety, national security, or immigration law. The cited justification of “reduced risk of harm” in Haiti is both speculative and disingenuous. As detailed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia’s opinion in Miot v. Trump, No. 25-cv-02471 (ACR) (2026), the record shows a total disregard for the “perfect storm of suffering” currently documented in Haiti.

The legal standard for TPS revocation requires a good-faith evaluation of whether the conditions that led to the designation persist. Your decision fails this standard, relying instead on political expediency. While you claim conditions are "suitable for return," your own Department of State maintains a Level 4 "Do Not Travel" advisory due to kidnapping and civil unrest. To ignore a record of "staggering humanitarian toll" suggests a preordained agenda that bypasses statutory requirements.

Your public statements regarding Haitian immigrants—most notably your characterization of them as “killers, leeches, and entitlement junkies” from “damn countries”—are not merely inflammatory; they are a calculated effort to dehumanize a vulnerable population. Your remarks echo the worst traditions of anti-immigrant propaganda, drawing parallels to historical campaigns that justified exclusion and systemic oppression.

Furthermore, your assertions that Haitians are “coming here to take our jobs and our homes” are factually indefensible. TPS holders are vital economic contributors. Haitian TPS holders alone contribute approximately $1.3 billion in annual tax revenue. Far from being "leeches," 14.5% of TPS holders are entrepreneurs—a rate significantly higher than the 9.3% of the U.S.-born workforce. By terminating this status, you are choosing to turn law-abiding, tax-paying residents into an "unlawful" population overnight, perversely straining the systems you claim to protect.

Further, the public record of your personal history—specifically the decision to kill a companion animal under the pretext of behavioral issues—underscores a troubling pattern of disregard for life. The juxtaposition of this act with your public stance on Haitian TPS reflects a broader ethos: one that values control and dominance over compassion and human dignity.

The decision to end Haitian TPS is not just a policy failure—it is a moral failure. Your rhetoric has set a dangerous precedent that values political ambition over conscience. Every individual, regardless of origin, deserves safety, dignity, and the right to live without fear.

Sincerely,

Eric C. Welch

"Woe to those who make unjust laws, to those who issue oppressive decrees, to deprive the poor of their rights and withhold justice from the oppressed of my people" (Isaiah 10:1-2, NIV),

"The stranger who dwells among you shall be to you as one born among you, and you shall love him as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt" (Leviticus 19:34, NKJV).


List of Sources  

  1. Fritz Emmanuel Lesly Miot, et al. v. Donald J. Trump, et al., Case No. 25-cv-02471 (ACR), Memorandum Opinion (Feb. 2, 2026). https://reason.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/gov.uscourts.dcd_.283214.124.0_1.pdf

  2. 8 U.S.C. § 1254a (Temporary Protected Status statute).

  3. 90 Fed. Reg. 54733 (Nov. 28, 2025), Termination of the Designation of Haiti for Temporary Protected Status. https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/11/28/2025-21379/termination-of-the-designation-of-haiti-for-temporary-protected-status

  4. Official statements by Secretary Kristi Noem via X (@Sec_Noem) dated Dec. 1, 2025 (referring to "killers, leeches, and entitlement junkies").

Quote from X: I am recommending a full travel ban on every damn country that's been flooding our nation with killers, leeches, and entitlement junkies. Our forefathers built this nation on blood, sweat, and the unyielding love of freedom—not for foreign invaders to slaughter our heroes, suck dry our hard-earned tax dollars, or snatch the benefits owed to AMERICANS. WE DON'T WANT THEM. NOT ONE." https://x.com/Sec_Noem/status/1995642101779124476

  1. Center for American Progress / Miot v. Trump evidence regarding $5.2 billion in total TPS tax contributions and $1.3 billion specifically from Haitian holders. https://www.americanprogress.org/article/resources-on-temporary-protected-status/

  2. U.S. Department of State, Haiti Travel Advisory (Level 4: Do Not Travel) reissued July 2025.

  3. Journal of Migration and Human Security data regarding 14.5% entrepreneurship rate among TPS holders vs. 9.3% for U.S.-born citizens.  https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/blog/economic-contributions-tps-holders/

  4. https://www.fwd.us/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Haiti-TPS-Fact-Sheet_January-2026.pdf

  5. No Going Back: The Truth on What’s Wrong with Politics and How We Move America Forward (Kristi Noem, 2024), regarding personal accounts of animal management. page 178+

 

    + cc: Senators Durbin and Duckworth

    • Representative Sorenson